Newt Gingrich summed up the Democratic midterm strategy best: “Had enough?”
Sure, the Democrats are playing up their favorite issues: they are the proponents of stem cell research funds, raising the minimum wage, and saving Social Security. Obviously without the key popular Democratic proposals and talking points, they would be hard-pressed to find meaningful traction this election year. But even more vital to the Democrats taking back the House, Senate, or both is the unpopularity of the party currently in control–starting at the top, of course–yes, with President Bush.
It sounds a lot like a failed strategy, though–from another year–the year when Democrats in cities, suburbs, and occasionally the heartland prophesized the coming Kerry country. Problem is, he lost. Regardless of the reports of irregularities, the result for Kerry was three million votes short.
“Had enough?” is a campaign slogan hard to screw up because the burden of proof is thin. The main Democratic message doesn’t even imply that they can do things better, just that it’ll be different. At John Kerry’s nominating convention in Boston, Al Gore asked independents, “Do you still believe that there was no difference between the candidates?” referencing the voters, seen as politically left of Gore, who voted for Ralph Nader. Perhaps they did–twelve million more citizens voted in 2004 than 2000, but independent or third-party candidates garnered barely more than one-fourth the number of votes that were tallied the previous cycle.
Perhaps the Democrats did what they sought to do then. Remembering Gore’s loss and blaming it on third-party candidates, state Democrats fought to keep independents off the ballot and in many cases won. Remembering Gore’s loss, liberals swallowed their reservations for Kerry and voted for him anyway. The party showed that there were differences, and Nader, blamed by many to have blown Gore’s chances in Florida, either did much more poorly, as the votes represent, or just didn’t make the ballot, as was the case in Oregon and Pennsylvania.
But it by no means won Kerry the election. While Kerry was busy treading the line, trying to appease the DLC and the old-timers, Bush, Cheney, and Rove were sending a clear message: that John Kerry had a “pre-9/11 mindset.” Despite other reservations voters may have–on stem cells, the minimum wage, and Social Security–there was an underlying theme: Democrats were allegedly left behind on September 11, 2001. Because conservatives don’t like the government for anything but defense anyway, they made themselves the party of the future for that very issue, terrorism. Despite plenty of opposition, the president’s approval ratings were good enough to get by and to stay credible enough to make the argument.
Obviously the credibility of the president has dwindled since November 2004. With failed initiative after failed initiative, with his approval ratings hovering in the thirties, even the most close-minded conservative hawks realize that he’s hurting politically. He’s a lame duck, and the only way he’s getting anything accomplished in his administration is by overstepping boundaries–leaving the Congress out of the decision-making process–be it by signing statements or leaving certain programs out of Congressional security briefs. Moreover, he’s now found himself on the wrong side of an ideological issue, which are almost always favorites for conservatives in election years. This week he vetoed a popular stem cell bill–of which 6 of 10 Americans feel the government should fund–it’s a political trick he’s tried again and again to do to the Democrats, and now he finds himself treading the line between the assertive and the ideologues of his party.
In the American Prospect’s May 2005 issue, Paul Starr writes that “public-opinion analysts Lloyd Free and Hadley Cantril famously pointed out that Americans tend to be ideologically conservative and operationally liberal,” they did it when there were Democratic majorities, the 1960s. He goes on in the article to further illustrate his view that through government, people can enlarge and extend their freedom–and tries to say that the debate needs redefined for progressives or liberals to win: it’s not about the ideology of government, it’s about issues the people’s representatives, as they serve in our government, face.
The Republicans in Congress and the White House have not been able to have an operational government of late, and the voters see this. The voters will now get a chance to see if the Democrats are ideological–if the Democrats regain their former stature in Congress, for example, will they overturn the partial birth abortion ban? Can the Democrats have a balance between the popular small government and low taxes ideology and the popular programs they promote in their election cycles? The Democrats have been forced to make votes on the former issues before, and they’ve tried to allocate more funds to education, defense, and Medicare, but if they set the agenda, they can finally win these votes, and then the voters will see what is truly different about the parties both operationally and ideologically.
The Democrats will have a new quest after they prove to be the more operationally sound party, and there’s two center candidates for president that get it: “Our challenge, as Democrats, is to reclaim our role as the party of the future,” Governor Mark Warner has said. Remember pre-9/11? Democrats have to charge that the Republicans are prehistoric. Democrats have to imply very, very directly that the world should be done turning a blind eye to science and focusing on old dogmatic doctrines.
Senator Evan Bayh has implemented the same theme in speeches written for Iowan audiences: “I really think this needs to be about something other than ideology. You know, not left vs. right, but moving forward rather than being stuck the way we are today.” Surely he doesn’t want it to be left vs. right in the primaries, because he’ll be pounded by a progressive-left base that shows up, but he’s right about the general election, too: it has to be about the future and the past in 2008. Democrats have to be the future, Republicans have to be the past–and the voters have to be convinced of it.
Senators John Kerry and Russ Feingold are also looking to the future–that is, looking past Iraq. Once we redeploy troops out of Iraq, which we will eventually do, there will be a slew of issues brought to the forefront. For Kerry, it will be the backburner issues he brought up in 2004. For Feingold, it will be reform. He already has a well-documented record on government accountability issues, and while incumbents usually loathe giving up power, the people of Main Street love feeling like they have a voice.
Former Senator and Vice President Al Gore is looking to the future–with an issue most aren’t even worried about yet–climate change. Whether Gore wants to get back into electoral politics or try to influence them in speeches, he’s no longer focused on the past. It’s instead what’s next.
And “the future” is thinking about the future, too: Senator Barack Obama, surely a national candidate as soon as he believes he’s viable, is also looking forward–to new constituencies and a new message. He was the first to employ Howard Dean’s 50 state strategy (before Howard Dean was even Chairman of the DNC). If, as James Carville noted, Pennsylvania is Pittsburgh and Philadelphia with Alabama in between, then perhaps Illinois is Cook County with Mississippi everywhere else: while Cook County accounted for about 50% of Kerry’s votes, it was only 38% of the total votes. The further south in Illinois, generally the more conservative. But Barack Obama, facing no opposition for much of his candidacy, campaigned hard when it didn’t count in places where he wouldn’t win. Now Obama is preaching to the choir, courting evangelicals. And his message is still about a future–one where the country isn’t so divided.
No matter how us vs. them ends up in 2008, the results in 2004 and 2006 have to add up to a 2008 where Democrats are relevant and Republicans are left behind.